剪辑技巧在公益纪录片中的运用外文翻译资料

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My point of departure for this article is the documentary short New Beijing, New Marriage (Xin Qianmen Dajie 2009) by Fan Popo and David Cheng. This film chronicles the performance of a gay wedding at Beijingrsquo;s Qianmen Street on Valentinersquo;s Day 2009. It starts with the subjects—one male couple and one female couple—preparing for the event in a hotel room or flat somewhere in the city. It then tracks the couples to Qianmen, where they have wedding photos taken. Then, both the couples and the film crew directly engage with those people who have gathered to watch the event, asking them whether they support gay marriage and how they feel about homosexuality. Finally, the film ends with a montage of gay wedding stills from around the world, and an appeal for the legal recognition of same sex partnerships in China.

我的这篇文章的出发点是由范波波和戴维成的纪录片“新北京新婚”（新前门大街2009）。这部电影记录了2009年情人节在北京前门大街举行的一场同性恋婚礼的表演。它开始于一对男性夫妇和一对女性夫妇，准备在城市某个旅馆房间或公寓中举办活动。然后跟踪夫妻前往前门，拍摄结婚照。然后，夫妻和摄制组直接与那些聚集在一起观看事件的人进行接触，询问他们是否支持同性恋婚姻以及他们对同性恋的感受。最后，这部电影以来自世界各地的同性恋婚礼剧照的剪辑结束，并呼吁中国同性恋合作伙伴的法律承认。

Located against the broader backdrop of Chinese documentary practice there is little that seems unusual about this film. It largely cleaves to the practices of live, location shooting—or xianchang—even as this practice has itself evolved within China.1 Nevertheless, on first viewing it struck me both as different from some of the earliest documentaries I had watched on the Chinese gay community, and similar to other, more contemporary independent documentaries that addressed analogous subject matter. Chinese documentaries on gay subjects from the early to mid 2000s often focused on transsexuals or fanchuan, the latter being cross-dressed performers, or what in English would sometimes be termed drag queens. Many of these documentaries also took place in or around gay bars, where these fanchuan performed.2 In contrast, New Beijing, New Marriage seemed part of a trend to broaden the material documented. Newer works did not exclude performers and performance from their subject matter, but they also turned the camera on the everyday experience of lesbians and gay men in China, both contemporary and historical.

在中国纪录片实践的大背景下，这部电影看起来并不罕见。它在很大程度上切断了现场拍摄或者现场拍摄的实践，尽管这种实践本身在中国发展。尽管如此，在初次观看时，它让我感到不同于我观察过的中国同性恋最早的纪录片社区，以及类似于处理类似主题的其他更现代的独立纪录片。中国有关2000年代初至中期的同性恋题材纪录片往往侧重于变性者或穿扮，后者是穿着打扮的表演者，或者英语中有时会被称为男扮女装。这些纪录片中的许多也发生在同性恋酒吧内或附近，这些妓女在这里进行表演。相比之下，新北京，新婚似乎是扩大记录材料的趋势的一部分。较新的作品并没有将表演者和表演排除在主题之外，但他们也将摄影机转变为中国当代和历史上同性恋和男同性恋者的日常体验。

The second important point of difference manifested in a shift in documentary aesthetics. Early documentaries about the gay community were either largely observational in their approach to their subject matter or quite experimental. For example, films like Jiang Zhirsquo;s Xiang Pingli (Xiang Pingli 2005) or Cui Zirsquo;enrsquo;s Night Scene (Yejing 2004) deliberately blurred the line between fiction and non-fiction through the use of techniques like re-enactment, or by mingling documentary and fictional storylines.4 Newer documentaries were often more reflexive: as in New Beijing, New Marriage, the filmmakers registered their presence on screen. In some ways, though, they were also more traditional. For example, standard broadcasting techniques like the talking head, the presenter, and the formal interview were deployed—techniques which were not part of the aesthetic repertoire of the early documentaries

第二个重要的差异点表现在纪录片美学的转变。 关于同性恋群体的早期纪录片要么在很大程度上是观察他们的主题，要么是相当实验性的。 例如，蒋志的“向平理”（向平立2005）或崔自恩的“夜景（叶靖2004）”等电影通过使用重新制定等技巧或通过混合纪录片和录像带，故意模糊了小说与非小说之间的界限。 虚构的故事情节。新纪录片往往更具反身性：如新北京新婚，电影制片人在屏幕上登记。 但在某些方面，它们也更传统。 例如，标准的广播技术，如说话的头脑，主持人和正式的采访部署 - 这些技术不属于早期纪录片的审美曲目。

Mainstreaming, social movement filmmaking, and the problem of publicness

主流化，社会运动电影制作和公共问题

One response to these developments could be to position them as an attempt at “mainstreaming”. Adopting a more conservative aesthetic might make the documentary form more palatable to a general audience. So too might shifting the focus from the more exotic elements of the gay community onto the everyday lives of gay men and women. These films could thus be said to resemble those Anglo-American documentary film and television programmes that, from the 1970s onwards, made gay men “visible” by emphasizing their similarity to mainstream society, rather than their problematic difference (Pullen 2007: 5–7). Certainly, many of the director of these films actually self-identify as gay, and are closely involved in community organizing with the Chinese gay community.6 But if we look more closely at these documentaries, it is harder to make such a hypothesis stick. New Beijing, New Marriage can hardly be considered a mainstream production in the commercial sense of the term: shot on a shoestring budget by non-professionals, it was not made for broadcast or theatrical release, and has thus only circulated informally, via homemade DVDs and independent film festivals. It is manifestly an independent work, produced and distributed outside official media structures, with no expectation of being presented to the media regulator for formal broadcast or exhibition. Similarly, while gay marriage may be part of the political mainstream in Western Europe and North America, this is not the case in China (or, indeed, much of the world). While such documentaries clearly function to make gay Chinese visible in new and distinct ways, mainstreaming as an explanatory framework cannot adequately capture the complexity of their internal dynamics. Instead, in many ways these films are closer to the social movement media that emerged in North America in the 1970s, in which gay filmmakers sought to document the emergence of a self-conscious gay culture for the first time (Waugh 1997).

对这些发展的一种回应可能是将它们定位为“主流化”的尝试。采用更保守的审美观可能会使纪录片更适合普通观众。所以也可能将焦点从同性恋社区的更具异国情调的元素转移到同性恋男性和女性的日常生活中。因此，这些电影可以说类似于那些从20世纪70年代开始，通过强调他们与主流社会的相似性而非他们存在问题的差异而使同性恋者“可见”的英美纪录片和电视节目（Pullen 2007：5-7 ）。当然，这些电影的许多导演实际上是自我认同的同性恋者，并且与中国同

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